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231 lines
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231 lines
15 KiB
Text
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==Phrack Inc.==
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Volume Three, Issue 30, File #9 of 12
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___________________________________
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| The Truth About Lie Detectors |
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|_______ _______|
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| by Razor's Edge |
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| November 10, 1989 |
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|___________________|
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Americans love gadgets, so it is not hard to explain the popularity of the lie
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detector. Many people believe in the validity of lie detectors because the
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instruments and printouts resemble those used by doctors and others who collect
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scientific data and because lie detectors are simple, convenient shortcuts to
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hard complicated decisions. Polygraphy is fast becoming an American obsession
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-- an obsession, incidentally, not shared by the British or the Europeans or,
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as far as we know, the Russians.
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American industry's increasing dependence on the polygraph reflects an enormous
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faith in the rational processes of science. Each of us can recall a time when
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our voices sounded funny as we told a lie. Surely, if we can "hear" a lie,
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science can detect one. It comes as a disturbing shock, therefore, to learn
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how fragile the polygraph's scientific foundations really are.
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The roots of the lie detector, more formally known as the polygraph, go back to
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the turn of the century, when infatuation with the newly discovered powers of
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electricity more than once overcame common sense. But whereas electric hair
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restorers and high-voltage cancer cures have all but vanished, the polygraph
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persists and even flourishes. According to the best estimates, over one
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million polygraph examinations are administered each year in the united States.
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They are used in criminal investigations, during government security checks,
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and increasingly by nervous employers -- particularly banks and stores. In
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certain parts of the country, a woman must pass a lie detector test before the
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authorities will prosecute a rape. In 1983 the television show Lie Detector
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added the dimension of home entertainment to polygraph tests.
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The National Security Agency (NSA) leads the roster of federal polygraph users;
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both it and the CIA rely heavily on polygraph testing for pre-employment and
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routine security screening. The NSA reported giving nearly 10,000 tests in
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1982 (CIA numbers are classified). Those who are labeled "deceptive" often
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lose their jobs, even if there is no actual evidence against them. Moreover,
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the polygraph report may become a permanent part of an employee's records, and
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it will be extremely difficult to compel a correction.
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With the arrest in June 1985 of four Navy men on espionage charges, the issue
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of using polygraphs to uncover spies or ferret out dishonest job seekers has
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come to the forefront of the debate about what should be done to stem the loss
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of defense and company secrets and to dispel potential thieves in the
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workplace.
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Much the same issue is at the heart of the protracted wrangle between the
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Reagan Administration and Congress over plans for expanded government use of
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the polygraph. An executive order issued on March 11, 1983, known as National
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Security Decision Directive 84, would have sanctioned for the first time
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"adverse consequences" for a federal employee who refuses to take a test when
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asked. The directive authorized tests to investigate candidates for certain
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security clearances and to ask any federal employee about leaks of classified
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information. (This directive was issued shortly after Reagan's comment about
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being "up to my keister" in press leads.) Almost simultaneously the Department
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of Defense (DOD) released a draft regulation that authorized use of the
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polygraph to screen employees who take on sensitive intelligence assignments;
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it, too, prescribed adverse consequences for refusal.
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Critics of the polygraph maintain that its use represents an invasion of
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privacy, especially when the coercive power of the government or an employer is
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behind the application. It is hard for a job applicant to say no when a
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prospective employer asks him or her to take a polygraph test; once hooked up
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to the machine, the applicant may face questions not only about past criminal
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activity but also about matters that an employer may have no business intruding
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upon, such as sexual practices or gambling -- questions asked ostensibly to
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assess the applicant's "character." As a result of such abuses, nineteen
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states and the District of Columbia have made it illegal for an organization to
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ask its employees to take polygraph examinations.
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A question more basic than whether the polygraph is an unacceptable invasion of
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privacy is, of course, whether it works. Seeking an answer in the scientific
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literature can be a bewildering experience. A report by the Office of
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Technology Assessment (OTA), commissioned in 1983 by Brooks's Committee on
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Government Operations, summed up the problem by citing twenty-four studies that
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found correct detection of guilt ranging from 35% to 100%.
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Polygraph theory thrives on a sort of Pinocchio vision of lying, in which
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physiological reactions -- changes in blood pressure or rate of breathing or
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sweating of the palms -- elicited by a set of questions will reliably betray
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falsehood. Lying, goes the rationale, is deliberate, and the knowledge and
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effort associated with it will make a person upset enough to display a physical
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reaction like a speedup of the heartbeat. The variables measured usually
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include the galvanic skin response (GSR), blood pressure, abdominal
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respiration, and thoracic respiration. The GSR is measured by fingertip
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electrodes that produce changes in the electrical resistance in the palms when
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they are sweating. The blood pressure and pulse are monitored through a system
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that uses a sphygmomanometer cuff, which is usually attached to the biceps
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(this is similar to the way doctors measure blood pressure). There is no
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"specific lie response." The polygraph merely records general emotional
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arousal. It does not distinguish anxiety or indignation from guilt. The real
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"lie detector" is the operator, who interprets the various body responses on
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the machine's output.
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Polygraphers claim that it is the form and mix of questions that are the keys
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to their success. The standard format, known as the Control Question Test,
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involves interspersing "relevant" questions with "control" questions. Relevant
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questions relate directly to the critical matter: "Did you participate in the
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robbery of the First National Bank on September 11, 1981?" Control questions,
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on the other hand, are less precise: "In the last twenty years, have you ever
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taken something that did not belong to you?"
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In the pretest interview, the polygrapher reviews all the questions and frames
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the control questions to produce "no" answers. It is in this crucial pretest
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phase that the polygrapher's deception comes into play, for he wants the
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innocent subject to dissemble while answering the control questions during the
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actual test.
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The assumption underlying the Control Question Test is that the truthful
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subject will display a stronger physiological reaction to the control
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questions, whereas a deceptive subject will react more strongly to the relevant
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questions. That is the heart of it. Modern lie detection relies on nothing
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more than subtle psychological techniques, crude physiological indicators, and
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skilled questioning and interpretation of the results.
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Critics claim that polygraphy fails to take the complexities of lying into
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account. For some people lying can be satisfying, fulfilling, exciting, and
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even humorous, depending on their reasons for lying. Other people feel little
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or no emotion when lying. Still others believe their lies and think they are
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telling the truth when they are not. Moreover, the theory holds that deception
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produces distinctive physiological changes that characterize lying and only
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lying. This notion has no empirical support. Quite the contrary: Lying
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produces no known distinctive pattern of physiological activity.
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Undeniably, when being dishonest, people can feel great turmoil and a polygraph
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can measure this turmoil. But when apprehensive about being interrogated, they
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can give a similar emotional reaction: When they think they are losing the
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chance for job openings or their jobs are on the line, when they reflect on the
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judgements that could be made about their answers, or, for that matter, when
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they are angry, puzzled, or even amused by the impertinent probing of a total
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stranger. Some control questions may make a person appear guilty. Such
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questions may force a subject into a minor lie or ask about an invented crime
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that nonetheless makes the subject nervous.
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Lie detectors are especially unreliable for truthful people. Many more
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innocent people test as "deceptive" than guilty people test as "innocent."
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Those who run a special risk include people who get upset if someone accuses
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them of something they didn't do, people with short tempers, people who tend to
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feel guilty anyway, and people not accustomed to having their word questioned.
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All of these feelings can change heart rate, breathing, and perspiration and
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their heightened feelings are easily confused with guilt.
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It has also been shown that polygraphs are easily manipulated. Four hundred
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milligrams of the tranquilizer meprobamate taken an hour or two before a
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polygraph session can make it virtually impossible to spot a liar by his
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physiological responses. In fact, some researchers even argue that an examinee
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can use simple countermeasures, such as biting one's tongue, gouging oneself
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with a fingernail, or stepping on a nail concealed in a shoe, to fake a strong
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reaction to the control questions, thus "beating" the test. According to one
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researcher, one prison inmate, who became the jail-house polygraph expert after
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studying the literature, trained twenty-seven fellow inmates in the seat
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techniques; twenty-three beat the polygraph tests used tons investigate
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violations of prison rules. However, do not try sighing, coughing, or
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clenching your fist or arm. Polygraphers usually are suspicious of those
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techniques and may label you "deceptive" for that reason alone.
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It should be obvious that the interpretation of the results of any polygraph
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test will certainly be very difficult. Also, not all responses on the machine
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will agree. What are the present qualifications for a polygrapher? Most of
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the twenty-five or more schools that train examiners provide only an eight-week
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course of instruction and require two years of college for admission. This is
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about one-sixth the study time of the average barber college. Perhaps as many
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as a dozendy time of contemporary polygraphers do hold Ph.D's, but the vast
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majority of the 4,000 to 8,000 practicing examiners had no simple significant
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training in physiology or in psychology, even though lie detection demands
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extremely subtle and difficult psychophysiological interpretations. There are
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no licensing standards for polygraph operators, and, with so many poorly, who
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trained operators, thousands of tests are conducted hastily and haphazardly,
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resulting in highly questionable accuracy. For many innocent people, their
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judge and jury are these unskilled operators.
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Honesty is also difficult to predict because it tends to be situation-
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specific. Therefore, it is more dependent on motivation and opportunity than
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on some personality trait. As Bertrand Russell once said, "Virtue is dictated
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by results of circumstance."
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Proponents of the polygraph sometimes cite "correct guilty detections": The
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percentage of guilty subjects who are caught by the polygraph. This figure can
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be very impressive: In one study that does not suffer from the failings
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already mentioned, it was 98% correct. But the same study found that 55% of
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innocent subjects were also diagnosed as "deceptive." The handful of studies
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that used a truly random selection of cases and scored them blind produced
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similar results: Overall, 83% of guilty subjects were diagnosed as
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"deceptive," as were 43% of innocent subjects. It's no trick to push the rate
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of correct guilty detections to 100% -- just call everyone "deceptive." You
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don't even need a machine to do that!
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Nature published its conclusions last year. Their aggregated findings were
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based on the polygraph charts of 207 criminal suspects, which 14 polygraphers
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scored independently. On the average, they erroneously diagnosed 43% of
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innocent suspects as deceptive. Such errors, called false positives, ranged as
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high as 50%. The corresponding errors of deceptive persons "passing the test,"
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or false negatives, were as high as 36%.
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The accuracy rates of "failed" and "passed" depend, of course, on the
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proportion of dishonest persons in the group tested. Thus, if 800 of 1,000
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persons tested are truthful, a test that is 72% accurate overall will accuse
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144 liars and 224 truthful persons. This is not an impressive accuracy record.
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These numbers suggest that the polygraph test is biased against innocent
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people. The problem is accentuated when the test is used in the screening
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situations envisioned in the Reagan Administration proposals (and already
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established at the NSA and the CIA). Everyone is tested, but presumably only a
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very small proportion has done anything wrong. If we assume that one employee
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in a hundred is a spy (probably a gross overestimate), and if we use the 83%
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correct-guilty-detection rate, we find that 51 innocent persons will flunk the
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polygraph test for every real spy who flunks. Any test, whether it is for
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truth or for cancer, has to be extremely accurate to detect a rare phenomenon
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without setting off a lot of false alarms in the process. Even if the test
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were 99% accurate for both guilty and innocent detections, one innocent person
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would be falsely branded for each spy caught. Because of this "case rate"
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problem, the FBI forbids the use of polygraph dragnets: The tests can be used
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only after an initial investigation has narrowed the field of suspects.
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Given all the doubts about their validity, why does the government persist in
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using polygraph tests? Some clues are found in the DOD 1983 report on
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polygraph testing -- even in its title, "The Accuracy and Utility of Polygraph
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Testing" which suggests that accuracy and utility are two different things.
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The most that report concludes about accuracy is that it is "significantly
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above chance." Utility, however, is quite another matter. Perhaps the most
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telling statement about lie detectors comes from former president Nixon, who
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declared on one of the White House tapes, "I don't know anything about lie
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detectors other than they scare the hell out of people."
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_______________________________________________________________________________
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